Velikovsky's Question: Why Isn't Planetary Catastrophe Remembered?
Posted: Sat Apr 19, 2025 5:28 pm
My husband's boss comes from a family of four children. Their parents were happily married until their father began drinking. He drank to such excess that I don't want to repeat the trauma that they experienced as a young family. By the time they were teenagers his father became so angry one night that he burned the house down. One of the sons began drinking early in his own life and is now in prison for the second time. My husband's boss is the other brother. He has never taken a drop of alcohol in his entire life, and today is a trusted manager who everyone essentially confides in about any problem they are having. His management style is one of listening and understanding first, then of problem solving. In other words, he is a stable and cheerful and reliable pillar for those under him within the company, without allowing any of the numbers or objectives to come up short. His family is grown now with children and professions of their own.
This is not such a unique outcome. People's responses to the problems within their own upbringing are not predictable through psychoanalytical theory. And it may be put forward that there were more than two outcomes possible. Between one reaction, "to help (a humanitarian reaction), and the other reaction...to harm (a destructive reaction)" there may be an entire spectrum of responses to the same past trauma.
Therefore, psychoanalytical theory, although thankfully informing Velikovsky's particular intuitions and inspiring his search by other means, is not a respectful approach to understanding the uniqueness of each culture, of each nation. To approach the real story of the past it is necessary to actually listen to each individual nation, tribe and tongue, and crucially, to make note of the vast differences between their material cultures and their laws.
The search for commonalities between myths, legends, and folk tales is the route that Dave Talbott and others took to continue the psychoanalytical experiment on humanity that Dr. Immanuel Velikovsky began. The archetypes, although heavily weighted towards Greek and Roman culture, are incredibly useful tools in finding the common themes of world catastrophes found in the legends and sacred stories of the people. It gives a more objective standard to what can be a subjective pursuit. This approach has been highly successful, although it is limited to certain past cataclysms, and does not tell us anything about the actual day-to-day lives of any of these ancient people, nor does it tell us that all scivilizations are monumental, or centralized, or caste systems. Those kinds of questions are outside of the domain of applicability, if you will, of the commonalities of the mythical archetypes.
I want to compare two competely different American cultures from the Western Hemisphere, whose ancestors clearly experienced the same cataclysms, and we'll see the extent of the differences between their practices and material culture that I think show that generalizations of "repressed trauma/desire to revisit harm" are not helpful. The experiences of global catastrophes are there, shown in their legends, and retrieved enchantingly and masterfully by Velikovsky and Talbott and others. But the response is simply nothing alike.
This is not such a unique outcome. People's responses to the problems within their own upbringing are not predictable through psychoanalytical theory. And it may be put forward that there were more than two outcomes possible. Between one reaction, "to help (a humanitarian reaction), and the other reaction...to harm (a destructive reaction)" there may be an entire spectrum of responses to the same past trauma.
Therefore, psychoanalytical theory, although thankfully informing Velikovsky's particular intuitions and inspiring his search by other means, is not a respectful approach to understanding the uniqueness of each culture, of each nation. To approach the real story of the past it is necessary to actually listen to each individual nation, tribe and tongue, and crucially, to make note of the vast differences between their material cultures and their laws.
The search for commonalities between myths, legends, and folk tales is the route that Dave Talbott and others took to continue the psychoanalytical experiment on humanity that Dr. Immanuel Velikovsky began. The archetypes, although heavily weighted towards Greek and Roman culture, are incredibly useful tools in finding the common themes of world catastrophes found in the legends and sacred stories of the people. It gives a more objective standard to what can be a subjective pursuit. This approach has been highly successful, although it is limited to certain past cataclysms, and does not tell us anything about the actual day-to-day lives of any of these ancient people, nor does it tell us that all scivilizations are monumental, or centralized, or caste systems. Those kinds of questions are outside of the domain of applicability, if you will, of the commonalities of the mythical archetypes.
I want to compare two competely different American cultures from the Western Hemisphere, whose ancestors clearly experienced the same cataclysms, and we'll see the extent of the differences between their practices and material culture that I think show that generalizations of "repressed trauma/desire to revisit harm" are not helpful. The experiences of global catastrophes are there, shown in their legends, and retrieved enchantingly and masterfully by Velikovsky and Talbott and others. But the response is simply nothing alike.